'Only My Truth Can Save Us All': The Impact of Socioeconomic Threat and its Emotional Appraisals on the Monopoly on Truth and Political Extremism.

BACKGROUND: Political extremism is one of the main threats to democratic societies and it has been related to socioeconomic threats like COVID-19. We argue that socioeconomic threat perceptions increase Monopoly on Truth (MoT), a tendency to conceive personal values as undeniable truths that are worthy of being imposed. MoT will then prompt a rise in extremist intentions. METHOD: These hypotheses were tested in two experimental designs ( N = 274 & 484). Study 1 manipulated socioeconomic threat, while Study 2 added a manipulation of the emotional appraisal of that threat. RESULTS: In Study 1, MoT scores were significantly different and higher in the high-threat condition. In Study 2, threat levels did not cause statistically significant differences when emotional appraisal of the threat was manipulated, with anger causing MoT to increase. Study 2 also showed that MoT works as a precursor of extremist intentions. CONCLUSIONS: Socioeconomic threats and their emotional appraisals raise MoT and, indirectly, extremism. Beyond deepening our understanding of the causes of MoT, the current findings highlight the implications of different narratives framing socioeconomic crises that may become a facilitating factor of extremism.

Gender role beliefs and adolescent pregnancy in Colombia: findings from the 2015 DHS survey.

This study investigated the association between gender role beliefs and the prevalence and likelihood of experiencing pregnancy among 8525 young women and girls aged 13-19 years in Colombia. The primary outcome of interest was adolescent pregnancy. Retrospective cross-sectional analysis utilised data from the 2015 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) in Colombia, which included an add-on questionnaire on gender relations. Our analysis measured both pregnancy prevalence and pregnancy likelihood in relation to gender role beliefs. With one exception, young women who disagreed with traditionally conforming gender roles had a lower prevalence of pregnancy and were less likely to experience pregnancy than those who agreed with them. The highest likelihood of pregnancy prevalence and likelihood was found among those who agreed with statements suggesting male dominance and those who agreed with women's homemaking responsibilities. The greater the adherence to traditionally conforming gender role beliefs, the higher the likelihood of experiencing pregnancy during adolescence. Girls' and young women's adherence to traditional gender role beliefs appeared to be a risk factor for adolescent pregnancy. Our findings support Colombia's current sex education policies and practices within the framework of gender equity, and evidence the link between gender equity and girls' and young women's reproductive health.

'Only My Truth Can Save Us All': The Impact of Socioeconomic Threat and its Emotional Appraisals on the Monopoly on Truth and Political Extremism / 'Sólo mi Verdad Puede Salvarnos': Impacto de la Amenaza Socioeconómica y su Evaluación Emocional sobre el Monopolio de la Verdad y el Extremismo Político

Background: Political extremism is one of the main threats to democratic societies and it has been related to socioeconomic threats like COVID-19. We argue that socioeconomic threat perceptions increase Monopoly on Truth (MoT), a tendency to conceive personal values as undeniable truths that are worthy of being imposed. MoT will then prompt a rise in extremist intentions. Method: These hypotheses were tested in two experimental designs (N = 274 & 484). Study 1 manipulated socioeconomic threat, while Study 2 added a manipulation of the emotional appraisal of that threat. Results: In Study 1, MoT scores were significantly different and higher in the high-threat condition. In Study 2, threat levels did not cause statistically significant differences when emotional appraisal of the threat was manipulated, with anger causing MoT to increase. Study 2 also showed that MoT works as a precursor of extremist intentions. Conclusions: Socioeconomic threats and their emotional appraisals raise MoT and, indirectly, extremism. Beyond deepening our understanding of the causes of MoT, the current findings highlight the implications of different narratives framing socioeconomic crises that may become a facilitating factor of extremism.(AU)

Antecedentes: El extremismo político constituye una de las principales amenazas para las sociedades democráticas, y se ha relacionado con amenazas socioeconómicas como la COVID-19. Argumentamos que las percepciones de amenaza incrementan el Monopolio de la Verdad (MdV), una concepción de los valores personales como verdades innegables dignas de imponerse. El MdV provocaría además un aumento de las intenciones extremistas. Método: Se realizaron dos estudios experimentales (N = 274 y 484). En el Estudio 1 se manipuló la amenaza socioeconómica. El Estudio 2 añadió una manipulación de la evaluación emocional de dicha amenaza. Resultados: En el Estudio 1, las puntuaciones de MdV difirieron de forma estadísticamente significativa, siendo más altas en la condición de alta amenaza. En el Estudio 2 se observó que los niveles de amenaza no causaron diferencias estadísticamente significativas en MdV al manipular la evaluación emocional. La ira sí causó diferencias estadísticamente significativas en MdV. El Estudio 2 mostró que el MdV funciona como antecedente de intenciones extremistas. Conclusiones: Las amenazas socioeconómicas y su evaluación emocional provocan un aumento del MdV e, indirectamente, del extremismo. Además, nuestros hallazgos destacan la relevancia de las diferentes narrativas que enmarcan las amenazas, las cuales pueden llegar a fomentar el extremismo.(AU)

Recycled water acceptance: Data from two Spanish regions with opposite levels of scarcity.

The dataset presented in this paper were collected for testing a perceptive-axiological model of recycled water acceptance for low and high contact uses. Participants were selected by proportional random sampling by sex and age the two Spanish communities with the most extreme values of water stress (Galicia, the rainiest region and Murcia, the driest). Data were collected by a company specialized in market research using an online survey housed on Qualtrics. Participants who matched the specified profile were contacted by email. The company compensated them financially. The final sample size consisted of 726 valid responses. The survey collected data on a variety of variables related to three conceptual dimensions: the diagnosis of the environmental situation, the axiological influence and the public perceptions regarding recycled water. The survey also collected demographic data from respondents. The survey was designed and reviewed by four experts in social psychology and two experts in methodology. The dataset featured in this article provides the raw survey data plus sociodemographic distribution, survey items, and other statistical data. This is the first and most comprehensive set of comparative data known to the authors on public acceptance of water reuse for high and low contact uses comparing regions with and without water scarcity. The authors have published an open access paper based on this data set, which are linked to this paper. Water industry professionals, policymakers, researchers and other stakeholders aiming to implement wastewater reuse systems in society may be interested in using the data as a point of comparison for their own study on public acceptance of water reuse or examining the data for relationships not yet explored in the literature.

From scarcity problem diagnosis to recycled water acceptance: A perceptive-axiological model (PAM) of low and high contact uses.

Water scarcity is a major problem that affects a greater number of countries every year. A possible solution is using recycled water systems. However, to implement the use of recycled water, public acceptance is needed. In this study, we propose a perceptive-axiological model (PAM) to understand the reasons for public acceptance or rejection of recycled water. This is the first model to jointly consider three conceptual dimensions: the diagnosis of the environmental situation, the axiological influence and the public perceptions regarding recycled water. The sample in this study consisted of 726 randomly selected participants who completed an online questionnaire. A key factor considered was the type of water use (low- or high-contact). Additionally, the model's ability to predict acceptance in regions of high and low water stress was tested. The model showed good fit and predictive capacity for both low (R2 = .272) and high (R2 = .501) contact uses and partial equivalence between regions. Threat perception was the most distal variable in the model which, together with identity, affected the attribution of responsibility. These variables, along with trust in scientists, affected the three direct predictors of acceptance: perceived health risks, moral obligation, and cost-benefit analysis. Perceived health risk was the most important predictor in both types of contact (ß = -.642 in high-contact, ß = -.388 in low-contact uses). Moral obligation had a greater impact in high-contact (ß = .170) than in low-contact (ß = .099) uses; the opposite outcome occurred with respect to costs-benefit analysis (ß = .067 in high-contact, ß = .219 in low-contact uses). The PAM offers a general framework that identifies the importance of the three dimensions and how they interact with each other, which facilitates the development of strategies to increase acceptance. On the one hand, the PAM works as a tool to assess the profile of a specific population and, on the other hand, it highlights the specific factors which are the best suited for interventions to increase public acceptance.

Environmental Concern Priming and Social Acceptance of Sustainable Technologies: The Case of Decentralized Wastewater Treatment Systems.

According to a report by the World Economic Forum, the water crisis is the fourth most serious global risk to society. The apparent limitations of the hydraulic paradigm to solving this crisis are leading to a change in water management approaches. Recently, decentralized wastewater treatment systems have re-emerged as a partial solution to this problem. However, to implement these systems successfully, it is necessary not only to design this technology but also to have social support and willingness among citizens to use it. Previous studies have shown that these technologies are often perceived as being too costly, and people often do not consider the need for adopting them. However, it has also been pointed out that thinking about these technologies as a sustainable endeavor to reduce human impact on the environment can help to overcome the barriers to usage. Thus, we test whether priming environmental concerns before presenting information about decentralized wastewater treatment plants will increase acceptance of those technologies. In this study, we test whether priming environmental concerns can enhance the acceptance of decentralized wastewater treatment plants even when presenting disadvantages of the technology. In order to do so, we designed an experimental study with a sample of 287 people (85.7% women, M age=20, 28). The experimental design was 2 (priming the environmental concern vs. no priming)×2 (type of information: only advantages vs. advantages and disadvantages). The results showed that those in the environmental concern priming condition had more positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward decentralized wastewater treatment plants than those in the control condition group. Participants who received only advantages information had a more positive perception toward the decentralized wastewater systems than in the condition, where disadvantages were present, but in the priming condition this difference was not significant. This implies that priming environmental concern helps to overcome the possible disadvantages that act as barriers to acceptance.

Predicting Collective Action in a Secessionist Context: Different Motives for Two Opposed Stances.

Engagement in collective action is essential in the scenario of a secessionist struggle. In this scenario, two groups contend for an incompatible goal and one of them is favoured by the current status quo. Therefore, this context represents an excellent opportunity to compare the motives for participation among two groups whose situation and objectives differ drastically. We examined the motivations to participate in collective action of Catalan participants in the days leading to the independence referendum held in Catalonia (Spain) on the first of October 2017 (n = 719). As hypothesized, participation predicted by different motivations for each group. Regarding participation in the referendum, Catalan identity was the only predictor among pro-independence ranks, while those against independence showed a solidarity-based motivation. This work contributes to the literature by adapting previously researched collective action motivations to the context of a secessionist contention and providing evidence of their effect. Crucially, the motivations are different between supporters and opponents of independence, highlighting the need for examining the status and the stance on the system of groups when studying collective action.

Bolsonaro e Covid-19: negacionismo, militarismo e neoliberalismo / Bolsonaro and Covid-19: denialism, militarism and neoliberalism / Bolsonaro y Covid-19: negación, militarismo y neoliberalismo

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o discurso do presidente Bolsonaro em relação à pandemia da COVID-19, para discutir o diagrama das suas práticas governamentais. Realizamos uma cartografia das reportagens sobre as falas de Bolsonaro publicadas na mídia no período de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos três eixos de análise: Discurso negacionista e criação da própria narrativa; retórica militarista e criação do inimigo; e lógica neoliberal governamental. Constatamos que seu posicionamento e suas práticas necropolíticas estão à serviço da manutenção do funcionamento das engrenagens do diagrama neoliberal, em que a máxima defendida na contemporaneidade não é mais o "Fazer viver e deixar morrer", senão o "Produzir, e deixar morrer".

The aim of this article is to analyze President Bolsonaro's discourse regarding the COVID-19 pandemic in order to discuss the diagram of his governmental practices. We carried out a cartography of reports on Bolsonaro's speeches published in the media from 02/26/2020 to 06/20/2020. We elaborated three axes of analysis: Denialist discourse and creation of the narrative itself, Militaristic rhetoric and creation of the enemy, and Governmental neoliberal logic. We verified that his position and necropolitical practices are at the service of maintaining the functioning of the neoliberal diagram's gears, in which the maxim defended in contemporary times is no longer "Make live and let die", but "Produce and let die".

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el discurso del presidente Bolsonaro en relación a la pandemia de la COVID-19, para discutir el diagrama de sus prácticas gubernamentales. Realizamos una cartografía de los reportajes publicados en los medios de comunicación sobre las charlas de Bolsonaro en el periodo de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos tres ejes de análisis: Discurso negacionista y creación de la propia narrativa; Retorica militarista y creación del enemigo y Lógica neoliberal gubernamental. Constatamos que su posicionamiento y sus prácticas necropolíticas están al servicio de la manutención del funcionamiento de los engranajes del diagrama neoliberal, en que la máxima defendida en la contemporaneidad no es más el "Hacer vivir y dejar morir", sino el "Producir y dejar morir".

The Effect of Sexual Literacy on Adolescent Pregnancy in Colombia.

STUDY OBJECTIVE: In the present study we investigated the association between receiving information on sexual literacy topics and likelihood of experiencing adolescent pregnancy. DESIGN: Cross-sectional analysis. SETTING: Colombia. PARTICIPANTS: Female Adolescents, 13-19 years old (N = 8525). MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Our primary outcome of interest was adolescent pregnancy. RESULTS: We created a gradation of public health impact variable that ranged from grade 1 (least impactful) to grade 4 (most impactful) to determine which sexuality-related topics were most strongly associated with teenage pregnancy. We found that not receiving information on grade 4 topics had the strongest association with adolescent pregnancy. These topics were: changes related to puberty (prevalence ratio [PR], 2.15; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.40-3.30), how sex organs work (PR, 1.90; 95% CI, 1.37-2.66), and sexual orientation (PR, 1.84; 95% CI, 1.38-2.44). In fact, teenagers who did not receive information on any sexuality-related topic were approximately 75% more likely (PR, 1.73; 95% CI, 1.09-2.74) to experience pregnancy during adolescence. CONCLUSION: The gradation levels of this study could guide sexual education programs in Colombia to prioritize sexuality-related themes, especially when resources are limited.

Phenotypes and markers of cesarean delivery among Colombian women.

OBJECTIVE: To investigate the association of socioeconomic status (SES) components (education, occupation, and household wealth) with number (1 or ≥2) and timing (planned/emergency) of cesarean delivery (CD) in Colombia, rates of which are well above the levels recommended by the World Health Organization. METHODS: A cross-sectional study using the 2015 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) of Colombia was carried out; 38 718 women answered the woman only module. Binomial and multinomial logistic regression analyses were conducted to generate estimates of the association between markers of SES and likelihood of CD, timing of CD, and number of CDs. RESULTS: The analysis included 9977 women. Although education and wealth were strongly associated with CD (P<0.001), the association between occupation and CD suggested that women in agriculture were the least likely to experience CD (odds ratio [OR] 0.67, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.44-1.03, P=0.061); and women in the "poorer" household wealth category were more likely to have emergency (OR 1.57, CI 1.29-1.90, P<0.001) and two or more (OR 1.64, CI 1.29-2.40, P<0.001) CDs. CONCLUSION: Markers of SES are associated with CD overuse in Colombia, as well as the number and timing of CD. More robust qualitative inquiry including additional questions to the DHS survey are needed to elucidate reasons driving the overutilization of CD in the country, particularly among vulnerable populations.

Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model (AICAM): A new integrative perspective in the analysis of protest.

Current predictive models of collective action have devoted little attention to personal values, such as morals or ideology. The present research addresses this issue by incorporating a new axiological path in a novel predictive model of collective action, named AICAM. The axiological path is formed by two constructs: ideology and moral obligation. The model has been tested for real normative participation (Study 1) and intentional non-normative participation (Study 2). The sample for Study 1 included 531 randomly selected demonstrators and non-demonstrators at the time of a protest that took place in Madrid, May 2017. Study 2 comprised 607 randomly selected participants who filled out an online questionnaire. Structural equation modelling analysis was performed in order to examine the fit and predictive power of the model. Results show that the model is a good fit in both studies. It has also been observed that the new model entails a significant addition of overall effect size when compared with alternative models, including SIMCA. The present research contributes to the literature of collective action by unearthing a new, independent path towards collective action that is nonetheless compatible with previous motives. Implications for future research are discussed, mainly stressing the need to include moral and ideological motives in the study of collective action engagement.

The power of culture and context on Hispanic/Latina teen pregnancy and birth in Oklahoma: provider and parental perspectives.

OBJECTIVE: To explore cultural-contextual factors that impact the high rate of Hispanic/Latina teen pregnancy in Oklahoma from the perspective of providers and parents. METHODS: Community Based Participatory Research at the Latino Community Development Agency in Oklahoma City; focus groups and in-depth interviews; 33 service providers and 14 Hispanic/Latino parents. RESULTS: (a) The value of respect among Hispanic/Latino families is a risk factor for unplanned teen pregnancy. (b) Contextual aspects (i.e. local ideology, Mexican media, underfunded schools, permissive law enforcement in bars, lack of bilingual providers) place Hispanic/Latina female adolescents at greater risk of unplanned pregnancy. (c) Gender roles perpetuate inequality and deepen Hispanic/Latina females' vulnerability to unplanned pregnancy. CONCLUSIONS: In addition to currently implemented communication tools and parenting skills to talk with adolescents about sexual health topics, interventions need to consider preferences that may be rooted in cultural aspects that could hinder the application of learned skills.

Development and validation of the Monopoly on Truth Scale. A measure of political extremism.

BACKGROUND: Extreme political attitudes have been on the rise since the economic and political crisis of 2008. This surge of extremism constitutes a real threat, as attitudes like these are dangerous for the peaceful, democratic functioning of society. A new cognitive style, Monopoly on Truth has been proposed, based mainly on the concept of naïve realism. METHOD: The development and validation of a scale for this new construct is the main objective of this study. A pilot study (N=209) was performed in order to gather the items that make up the final scale; and a main study (N=369) was conducted to test the validity and predictive power of the scale. RESULTS: The validation is successful as the scale shows good reliability scores, while also proving to be linked to extremism-related constructs. Additionally, the scale shows signs of not being ideologically biased. CONCLUSION: Results show the scale to be a very useful tool for studying extremism and other political trends. Future directions and other implications of the Monopoly on Truth are also discussed.

The Importance of Protesters' Morals: Moral Obligation as a Key Variable to Understand Collective Action.

Collective action and protest have become a normalized political behavior that in many cases defines the political agenda. The reasons why people take to the streets constitute a central subject within the study of social psychology. In the literature, three precedents of protest that have been established as central to the study of this phenomenon are: injustice, efficacy, and identity. But political action is also deeply related to moral values. This explains why in recent years some moral constructs have also been pointed out as predictors of collective action. Moral variables have been introduced into the literature with little consideration to how they relate to each other. Thus, work in this direction is needed. The general aim of this research is to differentiate moral obligation from moral norms and moral conviction, as well as to compare their ability to predict collective action. In order to do so, the research objectives are: (a) conceptualize and operationalize moral obligation (Study 1, N = 171); (b) test its predictive power for intention to participate in protests (Study 2, N = 622); and (c) test moral obligation in a real context (Study 3, N = 407). Results are encouraging, showing not only that moral obligation is different to moral conviction and moral norm, but also that it is a more effective predictor working both for intention and real participation. This work therefore presents moral obligation as a key precedent of protest participation, prompting its future use as a variable that can enhance existing predictive models of collective action. Results regarding other variables are also discussed.

Adolescent Screening, Brief Intervention, and Referral to Treatment for Substance Use: An Application for School Social Workers.

Alcohol, tobacco, marijuana, and other substance use by adolescents can have a serious impact on their health and well-being according to the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP, 2016). School social workers (SSW) are trained to conduct assessments and interventions with adolescents and families to improve their functioning and academic performance (National Association of Social Workers [NASW], 2003). Also, substance abuse prevention, identification, brief intervention, and referral to treatment are supported by the profession's standards for working with adolescents (NASW, 2003). For SSW interested in incorporating these services into their work, this practice highlights column describes the importance and principles of conducting adolescent screening, brief intervention, and referral to treatment (SBIRT) for substance use. Highlights are drawn from Substance Use Screening and Intervention Implementation Guide: No Amount of Substance Use Is Safe for Adolescents (hereinafter, AAP Guide), a guide developed through a cooperative agreement between AAP and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) (AAP, 2016).

Political Protest in Times of Crisis. Construction of New Frames of Diagnosis and Emotional Climate.

In times of crisis, political mobilizations increase. Many of them compete to impose a determined diagnosis of the situation. This work analyses this issue, taking into consideration two of the movements that have had a greater incidence during the crisis in Spain: The Catalonian National Assembly and the Marches for dignity. The objective is to know how the categories of aggrieved ingroup and outgroup responsible were identified and how both these movements defined the emotional climate at that moment. This work includes two studies. In the first one, an analysis of the categories identified in the manifestos published by these two movements was carried out. The results show that the Marches for dignity constructed a more inclusive ingroup identity and show a more negative emotional climate than the Catalonian National Assembly. The second study includes a sample of 919 participants and non-participants in 2 demonstrations called by those organizations. In this case MANOVAs of 2 (Type of demonstration: Catalonian National Assembly, Marches for dignity) × 2 (Type of participants: participants, non-participants) were performed. Results show that participants in both demonstrations have a higher level of injustice than non-demonstrators. Furthermore, demonstrators in Marches for dignity have a more negative perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. However, and contrary to the hypothesis, demonstrators of the Catalonian National Assembly have a more positive perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. The work explains these results in the socio-political context in which each of these movements acts and highlights the relevance of comparative investigation designs to further the knowledge of political mobilization dynamics.

Reconciliación social como estrategia para la transformación de los conflictos sociopolíticos, variables asociadas e instrumentos de medición / Social Reconciliation as a Strategy for Transforming Socio-Political Conflicts, Associated Variables and Measurement Instruments

Resumen La reconciliación social ha sido propuesta como una de las estrategias que permite la transformación de los conflictos y el restablecimiento de las relaciones intergrupales pacíficas. El objetivo de este trabajo es hacer una revisión sistemática de la reconciliación, las variables con las que se asocia y los instrumentos para medirla. La búsqueda se hizo en Psycinfo y en la Web of Science, y los resultados indican que el mayor porcentaje de artículos surge en los años 90, las publicaciones abordan conflictos que se desarrollan a lo largo de todo el planeta: América, Europa, Oriente medio y África. Las variables con las cuales se relaciona estadística y teóricamente a la reconciliación se agrupan en cinco categorias: recuperación psicosocial, acercamiento de las partes confrontadas, resignificación endo y exogrupal, emociones y gestión del conflicto. Se registran 12 instrumentos con una fiabilidad adecuada para evaluar la reconciliación. Se concluye que con las cinco categorías de variables se podrían diseñar modelos explicativos y de diagnóstico que contribuyan a la promoción de los procesos de reconciliación social temprana, particularmente para aquellos paises que requieren transformar las dinámicas de confrontación violenta.

Abstract Social reconciliation has been posed as one of the strategies that allows for conflict transformation and re-establishment of peaceful intergroup relationships. The aim of this work is to carry out a systematic review of reconciliation, its associated variables and its measurement instruments. The search process was carried out using PsychInfo and Web of Science databases. Results show that the largest proportion of articles arised during the 90's, publications discuss conflicts developed all over the world: America, Europe, Middle East and Africa. The variables with which reconciliation is statistically and theoretically associated group within five categories: psychoscial recovery, rapprochement of confronted parties, ingroup and outgroup re-signification, emotions and conflict management. Twelve adequately reliable measurements of reconciliation are registered. It is concluded that the five categories mentioned could be used to design explanatory and diagnostic models which could contribute to the promotion of early social reconciliation processes, specifically within those countries that require the transformation of violent confrontation dynamics.

El papel de la identidad, la eficacia y las emociones positivas en las acciones colectivas de resistencia pacífica en contextos violentos / The role of identity, efficacy and positive emotions in collective actions of peaceful resistance in violent contexts

Resumen Este trabajo explora los motivos que conducen a la participación en acciones de resistencia pacífica bajo condiciones de violencia armada. Fundamentados en los marcos de acción colectiva, se analizó el papel que ejercen la identidad, el agravio, la ira, la esperanza, la satisfacción moral y la eficacia sobre la implicación en acciones de resistencia pacífica. Participaron 739 personas que viven en medio del conflicto armado colombiano, con diferentes niveles de implicación en los movimientos de resistencia pacífica. Análisis de correlaciones y de regresión muestran que todas las variables correlacionaron significativamente con el nivel de implicación en acciones de resistencia, a excepción de la ira, y que las mejores predictoras son la eficacia, la esperanza-satisfacción moral y la identidad. Mediante un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales, se analizó el papel que ejercen las variables para motivar acciones de resistencia pacífica. Los resultados evidencian paths directos y significativos. El agravio es incorporado al modelo como una variable exógena que actúa sobre la identidad para potenciar su influencia motivadora de la participación. La identidad potencia el papel mediador de la esperanza-satisfacción moral y de la eficacia. Los hallazgos hacen un aporte novedoso a la teoría tradicional que explica el surgimiento de las acciones colectivas, pues incorporan emociones positivas y poco estudiadas en el contexto de la movilización, tal y como son la esperanza y la satisfacción moral.

Abstract This paper explores the motives leading to the participation in pacific resistance actions under the conditions of armed violence. Based within the framework of collective action, the roles of identity, grief, anger, hope-moral satisfaction, and efficacy were analyzed on their implications on the actions of pacific resistance. The participants were 739 people living in the middle of the Colombian armed conflict, with different levels of involvement in pacific resistance movements. Correlation and regression analysis shows that all variables are significantly correlated to the level of involvement in resistance actions, except for anger. The best predictors in a regression equation are efficacy, moral hope-satisfaction, and identity. We used a structural equation model to analyze the role of these variables in motivating non-violent resistance actions, and the results show direct and significant paths. Grief is incorporated in the model as an exogenous variable that acts on identity, in order to potentiate its important motivational influence for the participation in resistance actions. The identity potentiates the mediator role of moral satisfaction-hope and efficacy. These findings are a novel contribution to the traditional theory, which explains the emergence of collective actions, since it incorporates positive and less-studied emotions within the mobilization context, such as hope and moral satisfaction.

Mobilized citizenship: motives, emotions and context / Ciudadanía movilizada: motivos, emociones y contextos

Recently, many mobilisations have emerged all around the world and their impact on social change has been noteworthy. In this paper we shall review the evolution of the latest models of collective action in order to better understand current challenges in the field of political protest. Scholars have suggested that identity, grievances, efficacy, and anger are the relevant motives for prompting action. Nonetheless, there is still some room for improvement. In addition to previous variables, there is enough argumentation to include others which have been overlooked by the hegemony of instrumental logic; we are talking about moral obligation and positive emotions. There is a deontological logic in collective protest that can explain why individuals do not simply participate to obtain some kind of benefit; they may also feel morally obligated to do so. Moreover, positive emotions, such as hope, pride or optimism, can reinforce motivation. Another important aspect is the role of context. The specific characteristics of the political and the mobilising context may differently activate some motives or others. All these new contributions question the hegemony of the instrumental logic and demand an update of the theoretical approaches. The authors discuss the implications for theory and future research on collective action.

Recientemente han surgido muchas movilizaciones por todo el mundo y su impacto a la hora de producir el cambio social es de destacar. En este artículo haremos una revisión de cómo han evolucionado los últimos modelos de acción colectiva para poder entender mejor los retos contemporáneos en el campo de la protesta política. Los motivos más relevantes señalados por la literatura científica para la promoción de la acción son: la identidad, la injusticia, la eficacia y la ira. Sin embargo, todavía quedan aspectos por mejorar. Además de las variables mencionadas, hay argumentos suficientes para incluir otros factores que han sido pasados por alto en la hegemonía de la lógica instrumental; hablamos de la obligación moral y de las emociones positivas. Hay una lógica deontológica en la protesta colectiva que puede explicar porqué los individuos no participan simplemente para obtener algún tipo de beneficio, sino que también pueden sentirse moralmente obligados a hacerlo. Más aún, las emociones positivas tales como la esperanza, el orgullo y el optimismo pueden reforzar la motivación. Otro aspecto importante es el papel del contexto. Las características específicas del contexto político y de movilización pueden activar diferencialmente algunos motivos u otros. Todas estas nuevas contribuciones cuestionan la hegemonía de la lógica instrumental y demandan una actualización de las aproximaciones teóricas. Los autores discuten las implicaciones para la teoría y la investigación futura sobre la acción colectiva.